Cassius Dio
Roman History
Return to www.BrainFly.Net
Book LV
The following is contained in the Fifty-fifth of Dio's Rome:—
1. How Drusus died (chaps. 1, 2).
2. How the Precinct of Livia was dedicated (chap. 8).
3. How the Campus Agrippae was dedicated (chap. 8).
4. How the Diribitorium was dedicated (chap. 8).
5. How Tiberius retired to Rhodes (chap. 9).
6. How the Forum of Augustus was dedicated (lacking).
7. How the Temple of Mars therein was dedicated (chap. 10).
8. How Lucius Caesar died and Gaius Caesar died (chap. 10a).
9. How Augustus adopted Tiberius (chap. 13).
10. How Livia urged Augustus to rule more mercifully (chaps. 14-21).
11. Abt the legions how men were appointed to manage the military funds
(chaps. 23-25).
12. How the night-watchmen were appointed (chap. 26).
13. How Tiberius fought against the Dalmatians and Pannonians (chaps.
29-34).
Duration of time, seventeen years, in which there were the following
magistrates (consuls) here enumerated:—
B.C.
9
Nero Claudius Ti. F. Drusus, T. Quinctius T. F.
Crispinus.
8
C. Marcius L. F. Censorinus, C. Asinius C. F. Gallus.
7
Ti. Claudius Ti. F. Nero (II), Cn. Calpurnius Cn. F.
Piso.
6
Decimus Laelius Decimi F. Balbus, C. Antistius C. F.
Vetus
5
Augustus (XII), L. Cornelius P. F. Sulla.
4
C. Calvisius C. F. Sabinus (II), L. Passienus . . .
F. Rufus.
3
L. Cornelius L. F. Lentulus, M. Valerius M. F.
Messalla Messallinus.
2
Augustus (XIII), M. Plautius M. F. Silvanus.
1
Cossus Cornelius Cn. F. Lentulus, L. Calpurnius Cn.
F. Piso.
A.D.
1
C. Caesar Augusti F., L. Aemilius L. F. Paulus.
2
P. Vinicius M. F., P. Alfienus P. F. Varus.
3
L. Aelius L. F. Lamia, M. Servilius M. F.
4
Sextus Aelius Q. F. Catus, C. Sentius C. F.
Saturninus.
5
L. Valerius Potiti F. Messalla Volesus, Cn.
Cornelius L. F. Cinna Magnus.
6
M. Aemilius L. F. Lepidus, L. Arruntius L. F.
7
A. Licinius A. F. Nerva Silianus, Q. Caecilius Q. F.
Metellus Creticus.
8
M. Furius M. F. Camillus. Sex. Nonius C. F.
Quintilianus.
The events related happened in the consulship of Iullus Antonius and
Fabius Maximus. In the following year Drusus became consul with Titus
Crispinus, and omens occurred that were anything but favourable to him.
Many buildings were destroyed by storm and by thunderbolts, among them
many temples; even that of Jupiter Capitolinus and the gods worshipped
with him was injured. Drusus, however, paid no heed to any of these
things, but invaded the country of the Chatti and advanced as far as
that of the Suebi, conquering with difficulty the territory traversed
and defeating the forces that attacked him only after considerable
bloodshed. From there he proceeded to the country of the Cherusci, and
crossing the Visurgis, advanced as far as the Albis, pillaging
everything on his way. The Albis rises in the Vandalic Mountains, and
empties, a mighty river, into the northern ocean. Drusus undertook to
cross this river, but failing in the attempt, set up trophies and
withdrew. For a woman of superhuman size met him and said: "Whither,
pray, art thou hastening, insatiable Drusus? It is not fated that thou
shalt look upon all these lands. But depart; for the end alike of thy
labours and of thy life is already at hand." It is indeed marvellous
that such a voice should have come to any man from the Deity, yet I
cannot discredit the tale; for Drusus immediately departed, and as he
was returning in haste, died on the way of some disease before reaching
the Rhine. And I find confirmation of the story in these incidents:
wolves were prowling about the camp and howling just before his death;
two youths were seen riding through the midst of the camp; a sound as
of women lamenting was heard; and there were shooting stars in the sky.
So much for these events.
Augustus, upon learning of Drusus' illness before it was far advanced
(for he was not far off), had sent Tiberius to him in haste. Tiberius
found him still breathing, and on his death carried the body to Rome,
causing the centurions and military tribunes to carry it over the first
stage of the journey,— as far as the winter quarters of the army,— and
after that the foremost men of each city. When the body had been laid
in state in the Forum, two funeral orations were delivered: Tiberius
pronounced another eulogy there in the Forum, and Augustus pronounced
one in the Circus Flaminius. The emperor, of course, had been away on a
campaign, and it was not lawful for him to omit the customary rites in
honour of his exploits at the time of his entrance inside the pomerium.
The body was borne to the Campus Martius by the knights, both those who
belonged strictly to the equestrian order and those who were of
senatorial family; then it was given to the flames and the ashes were
deposited in the sepulchre of Augustus. Drusus, together with his sons,
received the title of Germanicus, and he was given the further honours
of statues, an arch, and a cenotaph on the bank of the Rhine itself.
Tiberius, while Drusus was yet alive, had overcome the Dalmatians and
Pannonians, who had once more begun a rebellion, and he had celebrated
the equestrian triumph, and had feasted the people, some on the Capitol
and the rest in many other places. At the same time Livia, also, with
Julia, had given a dinner to the women. And the same festivities were
being prepared for Drusus; even the Feriae were to be held a second
time on his account, so that he might celebrate his triumph on that
occasion. But his untimely death upset these plans. To Livia statues
were voted by way of consoling her and she was enrolled among the
mothers of three children. For in certain cases, formerly by act of the
senate, but now by the emperor's, the law bestows the privileges which
belong to the parents of three children upon men or women to whom
Heaven has not granted that number of children. In this way they are
not subject to the penalties imposed for childlessness and may receive
all but a few of the rewards offered for large families; and not only
men but gods also may enjoy these rewards, the object being that, if
any one leaves them a bequest at his death, they may receive it.
So much for this matter. As to Augustus, he ordered that the sittings
of the senate should be held on fixed days. Previously, it appears,
there had been no precise regulation concerning them and it often
happened that members failed to attend; he accordingly appointed two
regular meetings for each month, so that they were under compulsion to
attend,— at least those of them whom the law summoned,— and in order
that they might have no other excuse for being absent, he commanded
that no court or other meeting which required their attendance should
be held at that time. He also fixed by law the number of senators
necessary for passing decrees, according to the several kinds of
decrees,— to state only the chief points of the matter; and he
increased the fines of those who without good excuse stayed away from
the sessions. And since many such offences had regularly gone
unpunished owing to the large number of those who were liable to
punishment, he commanded that if many were guilty, they should draw
lots and one out of every five, according as the lot should fall,
should incur the fine. He had the names of all the senators entered on
a tablet and posted; and this practice, originating with him, is still
observed each year. Such were the measures he took to compel the
attendance of the senators; but if on any occasion, as the result of
some accident, fewer assembled than the occasion demanded,— and it
should be explained that at every session, except when the emperor
himself was present, the number of those in attendance was accurately
counted, both at that time and later, for practically every matter of
business,— the senators would proceed with their deliberations and
their decision would be recorded, though it would not go into effect as
if regularly passed, but instead, their action was what was termed
auctoritas, the purpose of which was to make known their will. For such
is the general force of this word; to translate it into Greek by a term
that will always be applicable is impossible. This same custom
prevailed in case they ever assembled in haste at any but the usual
place, or on any but the appointed day, or without a legal summons, or
if by reason of the opposition of some of the tribunes a decree could
not be passed and yet they were unwilling that their opinion should
remain unknown; afterwards the resolution would be ratified according
to established precedent and would receive the name of a decree. This
method, strictly followed for a long period by the men of old time, has
in a way already become null and void, as has also the special
privilege of the praetors. For they, becoming indignant that they could
bring no proposal before the senate, though they outranked the
tribunes, received from Augustus the right to do so, but in the course
of time were deprived of it.
These and the other laws which Augustus enacted at this time he had
inscribed on tablets and posted in the senate before bringing them up
for consideration, and he allowed the senators to enter the chamber in
groups of two and read them, so that if any provision did not please
them, or if they could advise anything better, they might speak. He was
very desirous indeed of being democratic, as one or two incidents will
illustrate. Once, when one of those who had campaigned with him asked
him for his assistance as advocate, though he at first pretended to be
busy and bade one of his friends speak in the man's behalf, yet when
the petitioner became angry and said, "But I, whenever you had need of
my assistance, did not send some one else to you in place of myself,
but personally encountered dangers everywhere in your behalf," the
emperor then entered the court-room and pleaded his friend's cause. He
also stood by a friend who was defendant in a suit, after first having
communicated his purpose to the senate; and he saved his friend, but
was so far from being angry with the friend's accuser, though this man
had indulged in the utmost frankness in his speech, that later on, when
the same man appeared before him, as censor, for a scrutiny of his
morals, the emperor acquitted him, saying openly that the other's
frankness was necessary for the Romans on account of the baseness of
the majority of them. However, he punished others who were reported to
be conspiring against him. He also caused quaestors to serve along the
coast near the city and in certain other parts of Italy; and this
practice was followed for many years.
At the time in question he was unwilling, as I have stated, to enter
the city because of Drusus' death; but the next year, when Asinius
Gallus and Gaius Marcius were consuls, he made his formal return and
carried the laurel, contrary to custom, into the temple of Jupiter
Feretrius. He himself did not celebrate any festival in honour of the
achievements mentioned, feeling that he had lost far more in the death
of Drusus than he had gained in his victories; but the consuls
performed the ceremonies usual on such occasions, among other things
exhibiting combats between some of the captives.And later, when both
they and the rest of the officials were accused of having secured their
election by bribery, Augustus failed to investigate the matter, and
furthermore pretended not even to know of it at all; for he was
unwilling either to punish any of them or yet to pardon them if they
were convicted. In the case of candidates for office, however, he
demanded of them in advance of the elections a deposit of money on the
understanding that they should forfeit this money in case they resorted
to any illegal methods. This action of his was approved by all; but it
was otherwise with another of his laws. As it was not permitted that a
slave should be tortured for evidence against his master, he ordered
that, as often as the necessity for such a course should arise, the
slave should be sold either to the state or to him, in order that,
being now no longer the property of the defendant, he might be
examined. Some found fault with this, on the ground that the change of
masters would in effect nullify the law; but others declared it to be
necessary, because many were taking advantage of the old arrangement
and conspiring against both the emperor himself and the magistrates.
After this, now that his second period of ten years had expired,
Augustus once more accepted the supreme power,— though with a show of
reluctance,— in spite of his oft-expressed desire to lay it down; and
he made a campaign against the Germans. He himself remained behind in
Roman territory, while Tiberius crossed the Rhine. Accordingly all the
barbarians except the Sugambri, through fear of them, made overtures of
peace; but they gained nothing either at this time,— for Augustus
refused to conclude a truce with them without the Sugambri,— or,
indeed, later. To be sure, the Sugambri also sent envoys, but so far
were they from accomplishing anything that all of these envoys, who
were both many and distinguished, perished into the bargain. For
Augustus arrested them and placed them in various cities; and they,
being greatly distressed at this, took their own lives. The Sugambri
were thereupon quiet for a time, but later they amply requited the
Romans for their calamity. Besides doing this, Augustus granted money
to the soldiers, not as to victors, though he himself had taken the
title of imperator and had also conferred it upon Tiberius, but because
then for the first time they had Gaius taking part with them in their
exercises. So he advanced Tiberius to the position of commander in
place of Drusus, and besides distinguishing him with the title of
imperator, appointed him consul once more, and in accordance with the
ancient practice caused him to post up a proclamation before entering
upon the office. He also accorded him the distinction of a triumph; for
he did not wish to celebrate one himself, though he accepted the
privilege of having his birthday permanently commemorated by Circensian
games. He enlarged the pomerium and changed the name of the month
called Sextilis to August. The people generally wanted September to be
so named, because he had been born in that month; but he preferred the
other month in which he had first been elected consul and had won many
great battles.
All these things filled him with pride; but he was grieved at the death
of Maecenas. He had received many benefits at his hands, for which
reason he had entrusted him, though but a knight, with the oversight of
the city for a long period; but he had found him of especial service on
occasions when his own temper was more or less uncontrollable. For
Maecenas would always banish his anger and bring him to a gentler frame
of mind. Here is an instance. Maecenas once came upon him as he was
holding court, and seeing that he was on the point of condemning many
people to death, he attempted to push his way through the bystanders
and get near him. When he was unable to do this, he wrote on a tablet,
"Pray rise at last, executioner!" Then he threw the tablet into the lap
of Augustus, as if it contained some indifferent matter, and the
emperor imposed no death sentences, but arose and departed. Indeed, he
not only was not displeased at such liberties, but was actually glad of
them, because whenever he was led into unseemly outbursts of passion by
his natural disposition or by the stress of his affairs, these were
corresponded by the frank speech of his friends. This also was a
supreme proof of Maecenas' excellence, that he not only made himself
liked by Augustus, in spite of resisting his impulsiveness, but also
pleased everybody else, and though he had the greatest influence with
the emperor, so that he bestowed offices and honours upon many men, yet
he did not lose his poise, but was content to remain in the equestrian
order to the end of his life. Not only for these reasons, then, did
Augustus regret his loss exceedingly, but also because Maecenas,
although vexed at the emperor's relations with his wife, had left him
as his heir and had empowered him to dispose of all his property, with
very few reservations, in case he wished to make gifts to any of his
friends or others. Such was the character of Maecenas and such was his
treatment of Augustus. He was the first to construct a swimming-pool of
warm water in the city, and also the first to devise a system of
symbols to give speed in writing, and he used Aquila, a freedman, to
train a considerable number in the system.
Tiberius on the first day of the year in which he was consul with
Gnaeus Piso convened the senate in the Curia Octaviae, because it was
outside the pomerium. After assigning to himself the duty of repairing
the temple of Concord, in order that he might inscribe upon it his own
name and that of Drusus, he celebrated his triumph, and in company with
his mother dedicated the precinct called the precinct of Livia. He gave
a banquet to the senate on the Capitol, and she gave one on her own
account to the women somewhere or other. A little later, when there was
some disturbance in the province of Germany, he took the field. The
festival held in honour of the return of Augustus was directed by
Gaius, in place of Tiberius, with the assistance of Piso. The Campus
Agrippae and the Diribitorium. The Diribitorium was the largest
building under a single roof ever constructed; indeed, now that the
whole covering has been destroyed, the edifice is wide open to the sky,
since it could not be put together again. Agrippa had left it still in
process of construction, and it was completed at this time. The portico
in the Campus, however, which was being built by Polla, Agrippa's
sister, who also adorned the race-courses, was not yet finished.
Meanwhile the funeral combats in honour of Agrippa were given, all
except Augustus putting on black clothing and even Agrippa's sons doing
the same. There were not only combats between single champions but also
between groups of equal numbers on either side; and they were held in
the Saepta both as an honour to Agrippa and because many of the
structures around the Forum had been burned. The blame for the fire was
laid upon the debtor class, who were suspected of having contrived it
on purpose, in order that they might have some of their debts remitted
when they appeared to have lost heavily. They, for their part, however,
gained nothing from the fire; but the streets were put in charge of
supervisors, chosen from the people, whom we call street commissioners.
These men were allowed to use the official dress and two lictors, but
only in the regions under their administration and on certain days, and
they were given control over the force of slaves which had previously
been associated with aediles to save buildings that caught fire. The
aediles, however, together with the tribunes and praetors, were still
assigned by lot to have charge of the whole city, which was divided
into fourteen wards. This is also the present arrangement.
These were all events of that year, for nothing worthy of mention
happened in Germany. The next year, in which Gaius Antistius and
Laelius Balbus were consuls, Augustus was vexed when he saw that Gaius
and Lucius were by no means inclined of their own choice to emulate his
own conduct, as became young men who were being reared as members of
the imperial house. They not only indulged in too great luxury in their
lives, but were also inclined to insolence; for example, Lucius on one
occasion entered the theatre unattended. They were being flattered by
everybody in the city, sometimes sincerely and sometimes to curry
favour, and consequently were being spoiled more and more. Among other
things of this sort, the people had elected Gaius consul before he was
as yet of military age. All this, as I have said, vexed Augustus, and
he even prayed that no compelling circumstances might arise, as had
once occurred in his own case, such as to requisite that a man less
than twenty years old should become consul. When even so the people
insisted, he then said that one ought not to receive the office until
one was able not only to avoid error oneself but also to resist the
ardent impulses of the populace. After that he gave Gaius a priesthood
and also the right to attend the meetings of the senate and to behold
spectacles and be present at banquets with that body. And wishing in
some way to bring Gaius and Lucius to their senses still more sharply,
he bestowed upon Tiberius the tribunician power for five years, and
assigned to him Armenia, which was becoming estranged since the death
of Tigranes. The result was that he needlessly offended not only his
grandsons but Tiberius as well; for the former felt they had been
slighted, and Tiberius feared their anger. At any rate he was sent to
Rhodes on the pretext that he needed incidentally a bit of instruction;
and he did not even take his entire retinue, to say nothing of friends,
the object being that Gaius and Lucius should be relieved both of the
sight of him of his doings. He made the journey as a private citizen,
though he exercised his authority by compelling the Parians to sell him
the statue of Vesta, in order that it might be placed in the temple of
Concord; and when he reached Rhodes, he refrained from haughty conduct
in both word and deed. This is the truest explanation of his journey
abroad, though there is also a story that he took this course on
account of his wife Julia, because he could no longer endure her; at
any rate, she was left behind in Rome. Others said that he was angry at
not having been designated as Caesar, and yet others that he was
expelled by Augustus himself, on the ground that he was plotting
against Augustus' sons. But that his departure was not for the sake of
instruction nor because he was displeased at the decrees passed, became
plain from many of his subsequent actions, and particularly by his
opening his will immediately at that time and reading it to his mother
and Augustus. But all possible conjectures were made.
The following year Augustus in the course of his twelfth consulship
placed Gaius among the youths of military age, and at the same time
introduced him into the senate, declared him princeps iuventutis, and
permitted him to become commander of a division of cavalry.
And after the lapse of a year Lucius also obtained all the honours that
had been granted to his brother Gaius. On one occasion, when the people
had gathered together and were asking that certain reforms be
instituted and had sent the tribunes to Augustus for this purpose, the
emperor came and consulted with them about their demands; and at this
all were pleased.
Augustus limited the number of people to be supplied with grain, a
number not previously fixed, to two hundred thousand; and, as some say,
he distributed largess of sixty denarii to each man.
How the Forum of Augustus was dedicated.
How the Temple of Mars therein was dedicated.
... to Mars, and that he himself and his grandsons
should go there as often as they wished, while those who were passing
from the class of boys and were being enrolled among the youths of
military age should invariably do so; that those who were sent out to
commands abroad should make that their starting-point; that the senate
should take its votes thee in regard to the granting of triumphs, and
that the victors after celebrating them should dedicate to this Mars
their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who
receive triumphal honours should have their statues in bronze erected
in the Forum; that in case military standards captured by the enemy
were ever recovered they should be placed in the temple; that a
festival should be celebrated besides the steps of the temple by the
cavalry commanders of each year; that a nail should be driven into it
by the censors at the close of their terms; and that even senators
should have the right of contracting to supply the horses that were to
compete in the Circensian games, and also to take general charge of the
temple, just as had been provided by law in the case of the temples of
Apollo and of Jupiter Capitolinus.
These matters settled, Augustus dedicated this temple of Mars, although
he had granted to Gaius and Lucius once for all the right to consecrate
all such buildings by virtue of a kind of consular authority that they
exercised in the time-honoured manner. And they did, in fact, have the
management of the Circensian games on this occasion, while their
brother Agrippa took part along with the boys of the first families in
the equestrian exercise called "Troy." Two hundred and sixty lions were
slaughtered in the Circus. There was a gladiatorial combat in the
Saepta, and a naval battle between the "Persians" and the "Athenians"
was given on the spot where even to-day some relics of it are still
pointed out. These, it will be understood, were the names given to the
contestants; and the "Athenians" prevailed as of old. Afterwards water
was let into the Circus Flaminius and thirty-six crocodiles were there
slaughtered. Augustus, however, did not serve as consul during all
these days, but after holding office for a short time, gave the title
of the consulship to another.
These were the celebrations in honour of Mars. To Augustus himself a
sacred contest was voted in Neapolis, the Campanian city, nominally
because he had restored it when it was prostrated by earthquake and
fire, but in reality because its inhabitants, alone of the Campanians,
tried in a manner to imitate the customs of the Greeks. He also was
given the strict right to the title of "Father"; for hitherto he had
merely been addressed by that title without the formality of a decree.
Moreover, he now for the first time appointed two prefects over the
Praetorians, Quintus Ostorius Scapula and Publius Salvius Aper,— for I,
too, apply this name "prefect" solely to them, of all who exercise a
similar office, inasmuch as it has won its way into general use.
Pylades, the dancer, gave a festival, though he did not perform any of
the work himself, since he was very old, but merely wore the insignia
of office and provided the cost of the entertainment; and the praetor
Quintus Crispinus also gave one. I mention this only because it was on
this occasion that knights and women of distinction were brought upon
the stage. Of this, however, Augustus took no account; but when he at
length discovered that his daughter Julia was so dissolute in her
conduct as actually to take part in revels and drinking bouts at night
in the Forum and on the very rostra, he became exceedingly angry. He
had surmised even before this time that she was not leading a straight
life, but refused to believe it. For those who hold positions of
command, it appears, are acquainted with everything else better than
with their own affairs; and although their own deeds do not escape the
knowledge of their associates, they have no precise information
regarding what their associates do. In the present instance, when
Augustus learned what was going on, he gave way to a rage so violent
that he could not keep the matter to himself, but went so far as to
communicate it to senate. As a result Julia was banished to the island
of Pandateria, lying off Campania, and her mother Scribonia voluntarily
accompanied her. Of the men who had enjoyed her favours, Iullus
Antonius, on the ground that his conduct had been prompted by designs
upon the monarchy, was put to death along with other prominent persons,
while the remainder were banished to islands. And since there was a
tribune among them, he was not tried until he had completed his term of
office. As a result of this affair many other women, too, were accused
of similar behaviour, but the emperor would not entertain all the
suits; instead, he set a definite date as a limit and forbade all
prying into what had occurred previous to that time. For although in
the case of his daughter he would show no mercy, remarking that he
would rather have been Phoebe's father than hers, he nevertheless was
disposed to spare the rest. This Phoebe had been a freedwoman of
Julia's and her accomplice, and had voluntarily taken her own life
before she could be punished. It was for this that Augustus praised her.
Gaius assumed command of the legions on the Ister with peaceful intent.
Indeed, he fought no war, not because no war broke out, but because he
was learning to rule in quiet and safety, while the dangerous
undertakings were regularly assigned to others.
When the Armenians revolted and the Parthians joined with them,
Augustus was distressed and at a loss what to do. For he himself was
not fit for campaigning by reason of age, while Tiberius, as has been
stated, had already withdrawn, and he did not dare send any other
influential man; as for Gaius and Lucius, they were young and
inexperienced in affairs. Nevertheless, under the stress of necessity,
he chose Gaius, gave him the proconsular authority and a wife,— in
order that he might also have the increased dignity that attached to a
married man,— and appointed advisers to him. Gaius accordingly set out
and was everywhere received with marks of distinction, as befitted one
who was the emperor's grandson and was even looked upon as his son.
Even Tiberius went to Chios and paid court to him, thus endeavouring to
clear himself of suspicion; indeed, he humiliated himself and grovelled
at the feet, not only of Gaius, but also of all the associates of
Gaius. And Gaius, after going to Syria and meeting with no great
success, was wounded.
When the barbarians heard of Gaius' expedition, Phrataces sent men to
Augustus to explain what had occurred and to demand the return of his
brothers on condition of his accepting peace. The emperor sent him a
letter in reply, addressed simply to "Phrataces," without the
appellation of "king," in which he directed him to lay aside the royal
name and to withdraw from Armenia. Thereupon the Parthian, so far from
being cowed, wrote back in a generally haughty tone, styling himself
"King of Kings" and addressing Augustus simply as "Caesar." Tigranes
did not at once send any envoys, but when Artabazus somewhat later fell
ill and died, he sent gifts to Augustus, in view of the fact that his
rival had been removed, and though he did not mention the name "king"
in his letter, he really did petition Augustus for the kingship.
Influenced by these considerations and at the same time fearing the war
with the Parthians, the emperor accepted the gifts and bade him go with
good hopes to Gaius in Syria.
... others who marched against them from Egypt, and did not yield until
a tribune from the pretorian guard was sent against them. This man in
the course of time checked their incursions, with the result that for a
long period no senator governed the cities in this region.
Coincident with these events there was an outbreak on the part of the
Germans. Somewhat earlier Domitius, while still governing the districts
along the Ister, had intercepted the Hermunduri, a tribe which for some
reason or other had left their own land and were wandering about in
quest of another, and he had settled them in a part of the Marcomannian
territory; then he had crossed the Albis, meeting with no opposition,
had made a friendly alliance with the barbarians on the further side,
and had set up an altar to Augustus on the bank of the river. Just now
he had transferred his headquarters to the Rhine, and in his desire to
secure the return of certain Cheruscan exiles through the efforts of
other persons had met with a revers and had caused the other barbarians
likewise to conceive a contempt for the Romans. This was the extent,
however, of his operations that year; for in view of the Parthian war
which was impending no attention was paid to the Germans at this time.
Nevertheless, war did not break out with the Parthians, either. For
Phrataces, hearing that Gaius was in Syria, acting as consul, and,
furthermore, having suspicions regarding his own people, who had even
before this been inclined to be disloyal to him, forestalled action on
their part by coming to terms with the Romans, on condition that he
himself should renounce Armenia and that his brothers should remain
beyond the sea. The Armenians, however, in spite of the fact that
Tigranes had perished in a war with barbarians and Erato had resigned
her sovereignty, nevertheless went to war with the Romans because they
were being handed over to a Mede, Ariobarzanes, who had once come to
the Romans along with Tiridates. This was in the following year, when
Publius Vinicius and Publius Varus were consuls. And though they
accomplished nothing worthy of note, a certain Addon, who was holding
Artagira, induced Gaius to come up close to the wall, pretending that
he would reveal to him some of the Parthian king's secrets, and then
wounded him, whereupon he was besieged. He held out for a long time;
but when he was at last captured, not only Augustus but Gaius also
assumed the title of imperator, and Armenia was given by Augustus and
the senate first to Ariobarzanes and then upon his death a little later
to his son Artabazus. Gaius became ill from his wound, and since he was
not robust to begin with and the condition of his health had impaired
his mind, this illness blunted his faculties still more. At last he
begged leave to retire to private life, and it was his desire to remain
somewhere in Syria. Augustus, accordingly, grieved at heart,
communicated his wish to the senate, and urged him to come at least to
Italy and then do as he pleased. So Gaius resigned at once all the
duties of his office and took a trading vessel to Lycia, where, at
Limyra, he passed away. But even before Gaius' death the spark of life
in Lucius had been quenched at Massilia. He, too, was being trained to
rule by being despatched on missions to many places, it was his custom
personally to read the letters of Gaius in the senate, whenever he was
present. His death was due to a sudden illness. In connexion with both
deaths, therefore, suspicion attached to Livia, and particularly
because it was just at this time that Tiberius returned to Rome from
Rhodes. Tiberius, it seems, was extremely well versed in the art of
divination by means of the stars, and had with him Thrasyllus, who was
a past-master of all astrology, so that he had full and accurate
knowledge of what fate had in store both for him and for Gaius and
Lucius. And the story goes that once in Rhodes he was about to push
Thrasyllus from the walls, because he was the only one who shared all
his own thoughts; but he did not carry out his intention when he
observed that Thrasyllus was gloomy,— not, indeed, because of his
gloom, but because, when asked why his countenance was overcast, the
other replied that he had a premonition that some peril was in store
for him. This answer made Tiberius marvel that he could foresee the
mere project of the plot, and so he conceived the desire to keep
Thrasyllus for his own purposes because of the hopes he entertained.
Thrasyllus had so clear a knowledge of all matters that when he
descried, approaching afar off, the ship which was bringing to Tiberius
the message from his mother and Augustus to return to Rome, he told him
in advance what news it would bring.
The bodies of Lucius and Gaius were brought to Rome by the military
tribunes and by the chief men of each city. And the golden targets and
spears which they had received from the knights on entering the class
of youths of il age were set up in the senate-house.
When Augustus was once called "master" by the people, he not only
forbade that any one should use this form of address to him, but also
took very good care to enforce his command. And now that his third
ten-year period was completed, he accepted the leadership for the
fourth time, though ostensibly under compulsion. He had become milder
through age and more reluctant to incur the hatred of any of the
senators, and hence now wished to offend none of them.
For lending sixty million sesterces for three years without interest to
such as needed it he was praised and magnified by all.
Once, when a fire destroyed the palace and many persons offered him
large sums of money, he accepted nothing but an aureus from entire
communities and a denarius from single individuals. I here use the name
aureus, according to the Roman practice, for the coin worth one hundred
sesterces. Some of the Greeks, also, whose books we read with the
object of acquiring a pure Attic style, have given it this name.
Among the Greeks, Dio says, the aureus is exchanged for twenty drachmas.
When Augustus had built his house, he made it all state property,
either on account of the contributions made by the people or because he
was high priest and wished to live in apartments that were at once
private and public.
The people urged Augustus very strongly to restore his daughter from
exile, but he answered that fire should sooner mix with water than she
should be restored. And the people threw many firebrands into the
Tiber; and though at the time they accomplished nothing, yet later on
they brought such pressure to bear that she was at least brought from
the island to the mainland.
Later, when a German war broke out and Augustus was worn out in body,
by reason of old age and illness, and incapable of taking the field, he
yielded partly to the force of circumstances and partly to the
persuasions of Julia, who had now been restored from banishment, and
not only adopted Tiberius, but also sent him out against the Germans,
granting him the tribunician power for ten years. Yet suspecting that
he also would lose his poise somehow or other, and fearing that he
would begin a rebellion, he made him adopt his nephew Germanicus,
though Tiberius had a son of his own. After this he took courage,
feeling that he had successors and supporters, and he desired to
reorganize the senate once more. So he nominated the ten senators whom
he most highly honoured and appointed three of them, selected by lot,
to examine the qualifications of senators. There were not many,
however, who were affected, either by declaring themselves disqualified
when permission was given them to do so, as had been done on the
previous occasion, or by having their names erased against their will.
Now Augustus caused others to carry through this business for him; but
he himself took a census, but only of the inhabitants of Italy who
possessed property worth at least two hundred thousand sesterces, for
he did not compel the poorer citizens or those living outside out of
Italy to be listed, fearing lest if they were disturbed, they would
become rebellious. And in order that he might not appear to be acting
herein in the capacity of censor, for the reason I mentioned before, he
assumed the proconsular power for the purpose of completing the census
and performing the purification. Inasmuch, however, as many of the
young men of the senatorial class and of the knights as well were poor
through no fault of their own, he made up to most of them the required
amount, and in the case of some eighty increased it to one million two
hundred thousand sesterces. Since also many were freeing their slaves
indiscriminately, he fixed the age which the manumitter and also the
slave to be freed by him must have reached and likewise the legal
principles which should govern the relations of both citizens in
general and the former masters toward slaves who were set free.
While he was thus occupied, various men formed plots against him,
notably Gnaeus Cornelius, a son of the daughter of Pompey the Great.
Augustus was consequently in great perplexity for some the, since he
nie wished to put the plotters to death, inasmuch as he saw that no
greater safety would accrue to him by their destruction, nor to let
them go, for fear this might induce others to conspire against him.
While he was in doubt what to do and was finding it impossible either
to be free from apprehension by day or from restlessness by night,
Livia one day said to him: "What means this, husband? Why is it that
you do not sleep?"
And Augustus answered: "What man, wife, could even for a moment forget
his cares, who always has so The enemies and is so constantly the
object of plots on the part of one set of men or another? Do you not
see how many are attacking both me and our sovereignty? And not even
the punishment of those who are brought to justice serves to check
them; nay, quite the opposite is the result — those who are left are as
eager to accomplish their own destruction also as if they were striving
for some honourable thing."
Then Livia, hearing this, said: "That upon should be the object of
plotting is neither remarkable nor contrary to human nature. For you do
a great many things, possessing so large an empire as you do, and only
cause grief to not a few. A ruler can not, of course, please everybody;
nay, it is inevitable that even a king whose rule is altogether upright
should make many men his enemies. For those who wish to do wrong are
far more numerous than those who do right, and it is impossible to
satisfy their desires. Even among such as possess a certain excellence,
some covet many great rewards which they can not obtain, and some chafe
because they are less honoured than others; hence both these classes
find fault with the ruler. Therefore it is impossible to avoid meeting
with mischief, either at the hands of these or, in addition, at the
hands of those who attack, not you personally, by the monarchy. For if
you were a private citizen, no one would willingly have done you any
harm, unless he had previously received some injury; but all men covet
the office of ruler and the good things that office affords, and those
who already possess some power covet much more than those who are
lacking in this respect. It is, indeed, the way of men who are wicked
and have very little sense to do so; in fact, it is implanted in their
nature, just like any other instinct, and it is impossible either by
persuasion or by compulsion to destroy such instincts in some of them;
for there is no law and no fear stronger than the instincts implanted
by nature. Reflect on this, therefore, and do not be vexed at the
shortcomings of the other sort of men, but as for your own person and
your sovereignty, keep close guard of them, that we may hold the throne
securely, not by the strictness of the punishments you inflict upon
individuals, but by the strictness with which you guard it."
To this Augustus replied: "But, wife, I, too, am aware that no high
position is ever free from envy and treachery, and least of all a
monarchy. Indeed, we should be equals of the gods if we had not
troubles and cares and fears beyond all men in private station. But
precisely this is what causes my grief,— that this is inevitably so and
that no remedy for it can be found."
"Yet," said Livia, "since some men are so constituted as to want to do
wrong in any event, let us guard against them. We have many soldiers
who protect us, some arrayed against foreign foes and others about your
person, and also a large retinue, so that by their help we may live in
security both at home and abroad."
"I do not need to state," Augustus answered and said, "that many men on
many occasions have perished at the hands of their immediate
associates. For monarchies have this most serious disadvantage in
addition to all the rest, that we have not only our enemies to fear, as
have other men, but also our friends. And a far greater number of
rulers have been plotted against by such persons than by those who have
no connexion with them at all, inasmuch as his friends are with the
ruler both day and night, when he takes his exercise, when he sleeps,
and when he takes the food and drink which they have prepared. For the
ruler labours under this special disadvantage as regards his friends,
that, although he can protect himself from his enemies by arraying his
friends against them, there is no corresponding ally on whom he may
rely to protect him from these very friends. Consequently we rulers
find it to be true at all times, that whereas solitude is dreadful,
company also is dreadful, that whereas unprotectedness is terrifying,
the very men who protect us are most terrifying, and the whereas our
enemies are difficult to deal with, our friends are still more
difficult. 'Friends,' I say, for friends they must all be called, even
if they are not friends. And even if one should find loyal friends,
still one could by no means so completely trust them as to associate
with them with a sincere, untroubled, and unsuspecting heart. This
situation, then, and the necessity of taking measures to protect
ourselves against the other group of plotters, combine to make our
position utterly dreadful. For to be always under the necessity of
taking vengeance and inflicting punishments is a source of great
sorrow, to good men at least."
"You are indeed right," answered Livia, "and I have some advice to give
you,— that is, if you are willing to receive it, and will not censure
me because I, though a woman, dare suggest to you something which no
one else, even of your most intimate friends, would venture to
suggest,— not because they are not aware of it, but because they are
not bold enough to speak."
"Speak out," replied Augustus, "whatever it is."
"I will tell you," said Livia, "without hesitation, because I have an
equal share in your blessings and your ils, and as long as you are safe
I also have my part in reigning, whereas if you come to any harm,
(which Heaven forbid!), I shall perish with you. If it indeed be true
that man's nature persuades some persons to err under any and all
conditions, and that there is no way to curb man's nature when it has
once set out upon a course of action, and that even what some men look
upon as good conduct (to leave out of consideration the vices of the
many) is forthwith a incentive to wrongdoing to very many men (for
example, boasting of high birth, pride of wealth, loftiness of honours,
arrogance of bravery, conceit of power — all these bring many to
grief); if it be true that one can not make ignoble that which is
noble, or cowardly that which is brave, or prudent that which is
foolish (for that is impossible); if, on the other hand, one ought not
to curtail the abundance of others or humble their ambitions, when they
are guilty of no offence (for that were unjust); if, finally, the
policy of defending oneself or even of trying to forestall the attacks
of others inevitably leads to vexation and ill repute — if all this is
true, come, let us change our policy and spare some of the plotters.
For it seems to me that far more wrongs are set right by kindness than
by harshness. For those who forgive are not only loved by the objects
of their clemency, who will therefore even strive to repay the favour,
but are also respected and revered by all the rest, who will therefore
not readily venture to harm them; those, on the other hand, who indulge
in inexorable resentment are not only hated by those who have something
to fear, but are also disliked by all the rest, and are in consequence
even plotted against by them in their desire to avoid meeting with
destruction first.
"Do you not observe that physicians very rarely resort to surgery and
cautery, desiring not to aggravate their patients' maladies, but for
the most part seek to soothe diseases by the application of
fomentations and the milder drugs? Do not think that, because these
ailments are affections of the body while those we have to do with are
affections of the soul, there is any difference between them. For also
the minds of men, however incorporeal they may be, are subject to a
large number of ailments which are comparable to those which visit our
bodies. Thus there is the withering of the mind through fear and its
swelling through passion; in some cases pain lops it off and arrogance
makes it grow with conceit; the disparity, therefore, between mind and
body being very slight, they accordingly require cases of a similar
nature. Gentle words, for example, cause all one's inflamed passion to
subside, just as harsh words in another case will stir to wrath even
the spirit which has been claimed; and forgiveness granted will melt
even the utterly arrogant man, just as punishment will incense even him
who is utterly mild. For acts of violence will always in every
instance, no matter how just they may be, exasperate, while considerate
treatment mollifies. Hence it is that a man will more readily submit to
the most terrible hardships — and gladly, too — if he has been
persuaded, than if compulsion has been put upon him. And so true it is
that, in following both these courses, man is subject to a compelling
law of nature, that even among the irrational animals, which have no
intelligence, many of the strongest and fiercest are tamed by petting
and subdued by allurements, while many even of the most cowardly and
weak are aroused to fury year acts of cruelty which excite terror in
them.
"I do not mean by this that we must spare all wrongdoers without
distinction, but that we must cut off the headstrong man, the
meddlesome, the malicious, the trouble-maker, and the man with whom
there is an incurable and persistent depravity, just as we treat the
members of the body that are quite beyond all healing. In the case of
the rest, however, whose errors, committed, wilfully or otherwise, are
due to youth or ignorance or misapprehension or some other adventitious
circumstance, we should in some cases merely rebuke them with words, in
others bring them to their senses by threats, and in still others apply
some other form of moderate treatment, just as in the case of slaves,
who commit now this and now that offence, all men impose greater
penalties upon some and lesser upon others. Hence, so far as these
political offenders are concerned, you may employ moderation without
danger, punishing some by banishment, others by disgranchisement, still
others by a pecuniary fine, and another class you may dispose of by
placing some in confinement in the country and others in certain cities.
"Experience has shown that men are brought to their senses even by
failing to obtain what they hoped for and by being disappointed in the
object of their desires. Many men have been made better by having
assigned to them at the spectacles seats which confer no honour, or by
being appointed to posts to which disgrace attaches, and also by being
offended or frightened in advance; and yet a man of high birth and
spirit would sooner die than suffer such humiliation. By such means
their plans for vengeance would be made no easier, but rather more
difficult, of accomplishment, while we on our part should be able to
avoid any reproach and also to live in security. As things are now,
people think that we kill many through resentment, many through lust
for their money, others through fear of their bravery and others
actually through jealousy of their virtues. For no one finds it easy to
believe that a ruler who possesses so great authority and power can be
the object of plotting on the part of an unarmed person in private
station, but some invent the motives I have mentioned, and still others
assert that many false accusations come to our ears and that we give
heed to many idle rumours as if they were true. Spies, they say, and
eavesdroppers get hold of such rumours, and then — actuated sometimes
by enmity and sometimes by resentment, in some cases because they have
received money from the foes of their victims, in other cases because
they have received none from the victims themselves — concoct many
falsehoods, reporting not only that such and such persons have
committed some outrage or are intending to commit it, but even that
when so-and-so made such and such a remark, so-and-so heard it and was
silent, a second person laughed, and a third burst into tears.
"I could cite innumerable instances of such a kind, which, no matter
how true they may be, are surely not proper subjects for gentlemen to
concern themselves about or to be reported to you. Such rumours, if
ignored, would do you no harm, but if listened to, would irritate you
even against your will; and that is a thing by all means to be avoided,
especially in one who rules over others. It is generally believed, at
any rate, that many men are unjustly put to death as the result of such
a feeling, some without a trial and others by a prearranged conviction
in court; for the people will not admit that the testimony given or the
statements made under torture or any evidence of that nature is true or
suffices for the condemnation of the victims. This is the sort of talk
that does, in fact, go the rounds, even though it is sometimes unjust,
in the case of practically all who are put to death by action of the
courts. And you, Augustus, ought not only to avoid unjust action, but
even the suspicion of it; for though it is sufficient for a person in
private station not to be guilty of wrongdoing, yet it behooves a ruler
to incur not even the suspicion of wrongdoing. You are ruling over
human beings, not wild beasts, and the only way you can make them truly
well disposed toward you is by convincing them, by every means and on
every occasion consistently, that you will wrong no one, either
purposely or unwittingly. A man can be compelled to fear another, but
he ought to be persuaded to love him; and he is persuaded not only by
the good treatment he himself receives, but also by the benefits he
sees conferred upon others. The man, however, who suspect that a
certain person has been put to death unjust both fears that he may some
day meet a like fate and is compelled to hate the one who is
responsible for the deed. And to be hated by one's subjects, quite
apart from its being deplorable in general, is also exceedingly
unprofitable. For most people feel that, although all other men must
defend themselves against all who wrong them in any way or else become
objects of contempt and so be oppressed, yet rulers ought to prosecute
only those who wrong the state, tolerating those who are supposed to be
committing offences against them privately; rulers, they reason, can
not themselves be harmed either by contempt or by direct attack,
inasmuch as there are many instrumentalities which protect them from
both.
"I, therefore, when I hear such considerations advanced and turn my
thoughts to them, am inclined to go so far as to urge you to give up
altogether the inflicting of the death penalty in any case for res of
this kind. For the office of ruler has been established for the
preservation of the governed, to prevent them from being injured either
by one another or by foreign peoples, and not for a moment that they
may be harmed by the rulers themselves; and the greatest glory is
gained, not by putting many citizens to death, but by being in a
position to save them all, if that be possible. We must educate the
citizens by means of laws and benefits and admonitions, in order that
they may be right-minded, and furthermore, we must watch over them and
guard them, in order that, even if they wish to do wrong, they may not
be able to do so; and if there is any ailment among them, we must find
some way to cure it and correct it, in order that the ailing member may
not be utterly destroyed. To endure the offences of the multitude is a
task demanding at once great prudence and great power; but if any one
is going to punish them all without distinction as they deserve, before
he knows it he will have destroyed the majority of mankind. Hence and
for these reasons I give you my opinion to the effect that you should
not inflict the death penalty upon any man for such offences, but
should rather bring them to their senses in some other way, so that
they will not in future commit any crime. What wrongdoing, indeed,
could a man indulge in who is shut up on an island, or in the country,
or in some city, not only deprived of a throng of servants and a supply
of money, but also under guard, in case this, too, is necessary? Of
course, if the enemy were anywhere near here or if some part of our sea
belonged to a foreign power, so that one or another of the prisoners
might escape to them and do us some harm, or if, again, there were
strong cities in Italy with fortifications and armed forces, so that if
a man seized them, he might become a menace to us, that would be a
different story. But in fact all the places here are unarmed and
without walls that would be of any value in war, and our enemies are
separated from them by an immense distance; much sea and much land,
including mountains and rivers hard to cross, lie between them and us.
Why, then, should one fear this man or that, defenceless men in private
station, here in the middle of your empire and hemmed in by your armed
forces? For my part, I do not believe that any one could conceive any
such plot as I have mentioned, or that the veriest madman could
accomplish anything by it.
"Let us make the experiment, therefore, beginning with these very men.
Perhaps they may not only be reformed themselves, but also make others
better; for you see that Cornelius is both of good birth and famous,
and we ought, I presume, to take human nature into account in reasoning
out such matters also. The sword, surely, can not accomplish everything
for you,— it would indeed be a great boon it if could bring men to
their senses and persuade them or even compel them to love a ruler with
genuine affection,— but instead, while it will destroy the body of one
man, it will alienate the minds of the rest. For people do not become
more attached to any one because of the vengeance they see meted out to
others, but they become more hostile because of their fears. So much
for that side; but as for those who are treated in a forgiving spirit,
they not only repent, because they are ashamed to wrong their
benefactors again, but also repay them with many services, hoping to
receive still further kindnesses; for when a man has been spared by one
who has been wronged, he believes that his rescuer, if fairly treated,
will go to any lengths in his benefactions. Heed me, therefore,
dearest, and change your course; if you do, all your other acts that
have caused displeasure will be thought to have been dictated by
necessity,— indeed, it is impossible for a man to guide so great a city
from democracy to monarchy and make the change without bloodshed,— but
if you continue in your old policy, you will be thought to have done
these unpleasant things deliberately."
Augustus heeded these suggestions of Livia and released all the accused
with some words of admonition; and he even appointed Cornelius consul.
As a result of this course he so conciliated both him and the other
persons so treated that neither they nor any one of the rest thereafter
either actually plotted against him or was suspected of doing so. It
was rather Livia herself, who was chiefly responsible for saving the
life of Cornelius, that was to be charged with plotting the death of
Augustus.
At this time, in the consulship of Cornelius and Valerius Messalla,
violent earthquakes occurred and the Tiber carried away the bridge and
made the city navigable for seven days; there was also a partial
eclipse of the sun, and famine set in. This same year Agrippa was
enrolled among the youths of military age, but obtained none of the
same privileges as his brothers. The senators witnessed the Circensian
games separately and the knights also separately from the remainder of
the populace, as is the case to-day also. And since the noblest
families did not show themselves inclined to give their daughters to be
priestesses of Vesta, a law was passed that the daughters of freedmen
might likewise become priestesses. Many vied for the honour, and so
they drew lots in the senate in the presence of their fathers, so far
as these were knights however, no priestess was appointed from this
class.
The soldiers were sorely displeased at the paltry character of the
rewards given them for the wars which had been waged at this time and
none of them consented to bear arms for longer than the regular period
of his service. It was therefore voted that twenty thousand sesterces
should be given to members of the pretorian guard when they had served
sixteen years, and twelve thousand to the other soldiers when they had
served twenty years. Twenty-three, or, as others say, twenty-five,
legions of citizen soldiers were being supported at this time. At
present only nineteen of them still exist, as follows: the Second
(Augusta), with its winter quarters in Upper Britain; the three Thirds
— the Gallica in Phoenicia, the Cyrenaica in Arabia, and the Augusta in
Numidia; the Fourth (Scythica) in Syria; the Fifth (Macedonica) in
Dacia; the two Sixths, of which the one (Victrix) is stationed in Lower
Britain, the other (Ferrata) in Judaea; the Seventh (generally called
Claudia) in Upper Moesia; the Eighth (Augusta) in Upper Germany; the
two Tenths in upper Pannonia (Gemina) and in Judaea; the Eleventh
(Claudia) in Lower Moesia (for two legions were thus named after
Claudius because they had not fought against him in rebellion of
Camillus); the Twelfth (Fulminata) in Cappadocia; the Thirteenth
(Gemina) in Dacia; the Fourteenth (Gemina) in Upper Pannonia; the
Fifteenth (Apollinaris) in Cappadocia; the Twentieth (called both
Valeria and Victrix) in upper Britain. These latter, I believe, were
the troops which Augustus took over and retained, along with those
called the Twenty-second who are quartered in Germany,— and this in
spite of the fact that they were by no means called Valerians by all
and do not use that name any longer. These are the legions that still
remain out of those of Augustus; of the rest, some were disbanded
altogether, and others were merged with various legions by Augustus
himself and by other emperors, in consequence of which such legions
have come to bear the name Gemina.
Now that I have once been led into giving an account of the legions, I
shall speak of the other legions also which exist to-day and tell of
their enlistment by the emperors subsequent to Augustus, my purpose
being that, if any one desires to learn about them, the statement of
all the facts in a single portion of my book may provide him easily
with the information. Nero organized the First Legion, could the
Italica, which has its winter quarters in Lower Moesia; Galba the First
(Adiutrix), with quarters in Lower Pannonia, and the Seventh (Gemina),
in Spain; Vespasian the Second (Aidutrix), in Lower Pannonia, the
Fourth (Flavia), in Upper Moesia, and the Sixteenth (Flavia), in Syria;
Domitian the First (Minervia), in Lower Germany; Trajan the Second
(Aegyptia) and the Thirtieth (Germanica), both of which he also named
after himself; Marcus Antoninus the Second, in Noricum, and the Third,
in Rhaetia, both of which are called Italica; and Severus the Parthicae
— the First and Third, quartered in Mesopotamia, and the Second,
quartered in Italy.
This is at present the number of the legions of regularly enrolled
troops, exclusive of the city cohorts and the pretorian guard; but at
that time, in the days of Augustus, those I have mentioned were being
maintained, whether the number is twenty-three or twenty-five, and
there were also allied forces of infantry, cavalry, and sailors,
whatever their numbers may have been (for I can not state the exact
figures). Then there were the body-guards, ten thousand in number and
organized in ten divisions, and the watchmen of the city, six thousand
in number and organized in four divisions; and there were also picked
foreign horsemen, who were given the name of Batavians, after the
island of Batavia in the Rhine, inasmuch as the Batavians are excellent
horsemen. I can not, however, give their exact number any more than I
can that of the Evocati. These last-named Augustus began to make a
practice of employing from the time when he called again into service
against Antony the troops who had served with his father, and he
maintained them afterwards; they constitute even now a special corps,
and carry rods, like the centurions.
Now Augustus lacked funds for all these troops, and therefore he
introduced a proposal in the senate that revenues in sufficient amount
and continuing from year to year should be set aside, in order that the
soldiers might receive without stint from the taxes levied their
maintenance and bonuses without any outside source being put to
annoyance. The means for such a fund were accordingly sought. Now when
no one showed a willingness to become aedile, some men from the ranks
of the ex-quaestors and ex-tribunes were compelled by lot to take the
office — a thing which happened on many other occasions. After this, in
the consulship of Aemilius Lepidus and Lucius Arruntius, when no
revenues for the military fund were being discovered that suited
anybody, but absolutely everybody was vexed because such an attempt was
even being made, Augustus in the name of himself and of Tiberius placed
money in the treasury which he called the military treasury, and
commanded that three of the ex-praetors, to be chosen year lot, should
aminister it for three years, employing two lictors apiece and such
further assistance as was fitting. This method was followed with the
successive incumbents of the office for many years; but at present they
are chosen by the emperor and they go about without lictors. Now
Augustus made contribution himself toward the fund and promised to do
so annually, and have also accepted voluntary contributions from kings
and certain communities; but he took nothing from private citizens,
although a considerable number made offers of their own free will, as
they at least alleged. But as all this proved very slight in comparison
with the amount being spent and there was need of some permanent
supply, he ordered each one of the senators to seek out sources of
revenue, each independently of the others, to write them in books, and
give them to him to consider. This was not because he had no plan of
his own, but as the most certain means of persuading them to choose the
plan he preferred. At all events, when different men had proposed
different schemes, he approved none of them, but established the tax of
five per cent. on the inheritances and bequests which should be left by
people at their death to any except very near relatives or very poor
persons, representing that he had found this tax set down in Caesar's
memoranda. It was, in fact, a method which had been introduced once
before, but had been abolished later, and was now revived. In this way,
then, he increased the revenues; as for the expenditures, he employed
three ex-consuls, chosen by lot, by whose help he reduced some of them
and altogether abolished others.
This was not the only source of trouble to the Romans; for there was
also a severe famine. In consequence of this, the gladiators, and the
slaves who were for sale, were banished to a distance of one hundred
miles, Augustus and the other officials dismissed the greater part of
their retinues, a recess of the courts was taken, and senators were
permitted to leave the city and to proceed wherever they pleased. And
in order that their absence might not prevent decrees from being
passed, a ruling was made that all decisions reached by those in
attendance at any meeting should be valid. Moreover, ex-consuls were
appointed to have oversight over the grain and bread supplies, so that
only a fixed quantity should be sold to each person. Augustus, to be
sure, gave free of cost to those who were receiving doles of corn as
much again in every case as they were already receiving; but when even
that did not suffice for their needs, he forbade even the holding of
public banquets on his birthday.
When many parts of the city were at this time destroyed by fire, he
organized a company of freedmen, in seven divisions, to render
assistance on such occasions, and appointed a knight in command over
them, expecting to disband them in a short time. He did not do so,
however; for he found by experience that the aid they gave was most
valuable and necessary, and so retained them. These night-watchmen
exist to the present day, as a special corps, one might say, recruited
no longer from the freedmen only, but from the other classes as well.
They have barracks in the city and draw pay from the public treasury.
Now the masses, distressed by the famine and the tax and the losses
sustained in the fire, were ill at ease, and they not only openly
discussed numerous plans for a revolution, but also posted at night
even more numerous bulletins. Word was given out that all this had been
planned and managed by one Publius Rufus, but suspicion was directed to
others; for as Rufus could neither have devised nor accomplished any of
these things, it was believed that others, making use of his name, were
planning a revolution. Therefore an investigation of the affair was
voted for and rewards for information were announced. Information began
to be offered, and this also contributed to the commotion in the city.
This lasted until the scarcity of grain was at an end and gladiatorial
games in honour of Drusus were given by Germanicus Caesar and Tiberius
Claudius Nero, his sons. For this mark of honour to the memory of
Drusus comforted the people, and also the dedication by Tiberius of the
temple of Castor and Pollux, upon which he inserted not only his own
name,— calling himself Claudianus instead of Claudius, because of his
adoption into the family of Augustus,— but also that of Drusus.
Tiberius, it should be explained, continued to carry on the wars, and
at the same time visited the city repeatedly whenever the opportunity
offered; this was partly, to be sure, on account of various business,
but chiefly because he was afraid that Augustus might take advantage of
his absence to show preference to somebody else.
These were the events in the city that year. In Achaia the governor
died in the middle of his term and instructions were given to his
quaestor and to his assessor (whom, as I have stated, we call envoy)
for the former to administer the province as far as the Isthmus and the
other the remainder. Herod of Palestine, who was accused by his
brothers of some wrongdoing or other, was banished beyond the Alps and
a portion of the domain was confiscated to the state.
During this same period many wars also took place. Pirates overran a
good many districts, so that Sardinia had no senator as governor for
some years, but was in charge of soldiers with knights as commanders.
Not a few cities rebelled, with the result that for two years the same
men held office in the provinces which belonged to the people and were
appointed instead of being chosen by lot; of course the provinces which
belonged to Caesar were, in any case, assigned to the same men for a
longer period. But I shall not go into all these matters minutely, for
many things not worthy of record happened in individual instances and
their recital in detail would serve no useful purpose. I shall give
simply the events worthy of some mention and very briefly at that,
except in the case of those of greatest importance.
The Isaurians began with marauding expeditions, but were led on into
all the horrors of war, until they were utterly subdued. The
Gaetulians, also, were discontented with their king, Juba, and scorning
the thought that they, too, should be ruled over by Romans, rose
against him. They ravaged the neighbouring territory, slew many even of
the Romans who made a campaign against them, and, in fine, gained so
great headway that Cornelius Cossus, who subjugate them, received
triumphal honours and also a title from them. While these events were
occurring, expeditions against the Germans also were being conducted by
various leaders, especially Tiberius. He advanced first to the river
Visurgis and later as far as the Albis, but nothing noteworthy was
accomplished at this time, although not only Augustus but also Tiberius
was called because of the campaign, and Gaius Sentius, the governor of
Germany, received triumphal honours, inasmuch as the Germans, through
their fear of the Romans, made a truce, not merely once, but twice. The
reason that peace was granted them a second time, in spite of their
having broken their truce so soon, was that the Dalmatians and
Pannonians were in a state of great disturbance and required sharp
attention.
The Dalmatians, chafing under the levies of tribute, had hitherto kept
quiet, though unwillingly. But when Tiberius made his second campaign
against the Germans, and Valerius Messallinus, the governor of Dalmatia
and Pannonia at the time, was sent out with him, taking most of his
army along, the Dalmatians, too, were ordered to send a contingent; and
on coming together for this purpose and beholding the strength of their
warriors, they no longer delayed, but, under the vehement urging of one
Bato, a Desidiatian, at first a few revolted and defeated the Romans
who came against them, and then the rest also rebelled in consequence
of this success. Next the Breucians, a Pannonian tribe, put another
Bato at their head and marched against Sirmium and the Romans in that
town. They did not capture the place, however, for Caecina Severus, the
governor of the neighbouring province of Moesia, marched rapidly
against them, when he heard of their uprising, and joining battle with
them near the river Dravus, vanquished them; but hoping in some way to
renew the struggle soon, since many of the Romans also had fallen, they
turned their attention to summoning their allies and were getting
together as many as they could. Meanwhile the Dalmatian Bato marched
upon Salonae, where he was badly wounded by a stone missile and so
accomplished nothing himself; but he sent out some others, who wrought
havoc along the whole sea-coast as far as Apollonia, and at that point,
in spite of having been first defeated, won a battle in turn against
the Romans who engaged them. Now when rib learned of this, fearing that
they might invade Italy, he returned from Germany, sending Messallinus
ahead and following himself with most of his army. But Bato learned of
their approach, and although not yet well, went to meet Messallinus;
and though he proved stronger than Messallinus in open conflict, he was
afterward defeated by an ambuscade. Thereupon he went to Bato, the
Breucian, and making common cause with him in the war, occupied a
mountain named Alma. Here they were defeated by Rheometalces, the
Thracian, who had been sent ahead against them by Severus, but resisted
Severus himself vigorously. Later, when Severus withdrew to Moesia,
because the Dacians and Sarmatians were ravaging it, and Tiberius and
Messallinus were tarrying in Siscia, the Dalmatians overran the
territory of their allies and caused many more to revolt. And although
Tiberius approached them, they would engage in no pitched battle with
him, but kept moving from one place to another, causing great
devastation; for, owing to their knowledge of the country and the
lightness of their equipment, they could easily proceed wherever they
pleased. And when winter set in they did much greater damage, for they
even invaded Macedonia again. As for these forces, now, Rhoemetalces
and his brother Rhascyporis checked them by a battle; and as for the
others, they did not come to the defence of their country when it was
later ravaged (in the consulship of Caecilius Metellus and Licinius
Silanus), but took refuge in the mountain fortresses, from which they
made raiding expeditions whenever the chance offered.
When Augustus learned of these things, he began to be suspicious of
Tiberius, who, as he thought, might speedily have overcome the
Dalmatians, but was delaying purposely, in order that he might be under
arms as long as possible, with the war as his excuse. He therefore sent
out Germanicus, although he was only a quaestor, and gave him an army
composed not only of free-born citizens but also of freedmen, including
those whom he had freed from slavery by taking them from their masters
and mistresses on payment of their value and the cost of their
maintenance for six months. This was not the only measure he took to
meet the need occasioned by the war, but he also postponed the review
of the knights, which was wont to occur in the Forum. And he made a vow
with reference to the Megalensian games because some woman had cut some
letters on her arm and oractised some sort of divination. He knew well,
to be sure, that she had not been possessed by any divine power, but
had done this thing deliberately; but inasmuch as the populace was
terribly wrought up over both the wars and the famine (which had now
set in once more), he, too, affected to believe the common report and
proceeded to do anything that would make the crowd cheerful, regarding
such measures as necessary. And in view of the dearth of grain he
appointed two ex-consuls commissioners of the grain supply, granting
them lictors. And as there was need of more money for the wars and for
the support of the night-watchmen, he introduced the tax of two per
cent. on the sale of slaves, and he ordered that the money which was
regularly paid from the public treasury to the praetors who gave
gladiatorial combats should no longer be expended.
The reason why he sent Germanicus and not Agrippa to take the field was
that the latter possessed an illiberal nature, and spent most of his
time in fishing, by virtue of which he used to call himself Neptune. He
used to give way to violent anger, and spoke ill of Livia as a
stepmother, while he often reproached Augustus himself for not giving
him the inheritance his father had left him. When he could not be made
to moderate his conduct, he was banished and his property was given to
the military treasury; he himself was put ashore on Planasia, the
island near Corsica.
These were the events in the city. After Germanicus reached Pannonia
and armies were assembling there from many sides, the two Batos waited
until Severus approached from Moesia and then fell upon him
unexpectedly, while he was encamped near the Volcaean marshes. They
frightened the pickets outside the ramparts and drove them back inside,
but when the men in the camp stood their ground, the attackers were
defeated. After this the Romans were divided into detachments, in order
that they might overrun many parts of the country at once; most of
these detachments did nothing worthy of note, at least not at that
time, but Germanicus conquered in battle and harassed the Mazaei, a
Dalmatian tribe.
These were the achievements of that year. In the consulship of Marcus
Furius and Sextus Nonius, the Dalmatians and Pannonians desired to make
terms, because they were afflicted first by famine and then by disease
that followed it, since they were using for food roots and strange
herbs. They did not, however, make any overtures, being hindered by
those who had no hope of being spared by the Romans, but even in their
distress still resisted. And one, Scenobardus, who had pretended he was
going to change sides and with reference to this very matter had sent
to Manius Ennius, the commander of the garrison in Siscia, as if he
were ready to desert, became afraid that he might suffer harm
beforehand . . . .
The Po, which, under the name Eridanus, they call the king of the
rivers that cleave the soil of Italy, had its waters let into a very
wide canal by the Emperor Augustus. A seventh part of the stream of
this river flows through the centre of the city, affording at its month
a most attractive harbour, which was formerly believed, according to
Dio, to be a thoroughly safe anchorage for a fleet of two hundred and
fifty ships.
When at last the famine had abated, he conducted games in the Circus in
the name of Germanicus, who was son of Drusus, and in that of
Germanicus' brother. On this occasion an elephant overcame a rhinoceros
and a knight who had once been distinguished for his wealth fought in
single combat.
Now when Augustus was growing weary by reason of old age and the
feebleness of his body, so that he could not attend to the business of
all those who needed his care, though he continued personally, with his
assistants, to investigate judicial cases and to pass judgment, seated
on the tribunal in the palace, he entrusted to three ex-consuls the
embassies sent to Rome by peoples and kings; these, sitting separately,
gave audience to such embassies and made answer to them, except in
matters in which the final decision had of necessity to be rendered by
the senate and Augustus.
It had been Augustus's practice hitherto to attend all the meetings of
the senate, though he did not, however, declare his opinion among the
first, but among the last, his purpose being that all might be
permitted to form their views independently and no one should abandon
his own judgment, as though he were under any necessity of agreeing
with the emperor; and he would often sit with the magistrates as they
tried cases. Also, whenever those who sat in judgment with him found
themselves in disagreement, the emperor's vote was counted as no more
than equal to that of any other judge. But at the time to which I
refer, Augustus allowed the senate to try most cases without him, and
he gave up attending the popular assemblies. Instead, he had the year
before personally appointed all who were to hold office, because there
were factional outbreaks, and in this and the following years he merely
posted a bulletin recommending to the plebs and to the people those
whom he favoured. Yet he was so vigorous when it came to directing
campaigns against the enemy that he proceeded to Ariminum in order that
he might be near at hand to give all necessary advice in regard to both
the Dalmatians and the Pannonians. On his departure vows were made, and
on his return the sacrifices customary when he came back from the
enemy's country were offered.
This was what was done in Rome. Meanwhile, Bato, the Breucian, who had
betrayed Pinnes and had received the right to rule over the Breucians
as his reward, was captured by the other Bato and put to death. The
Breucian, it seems, had been somewhat suspicious of his subject tribes
and had gone round to each of the garrisons to demand hostages; and the
other, learning of this, lay in wait for him somewhere or other,
defeated him in battle, and shut him up in a stronghold. Later, when
the Breucian was delivered over by those inside, he took him and
brought him before the army, and then, when he had been condemned, put
him to death on the spot. After this many of the Pannonians rose in
revolt, and Silvanus made a campaign against them, conquered the
Breucians, won over some of the others without a battle. Bato, on
seeing this, gave up all hope of Pannonia, but occupied the passes
leading to Dalmatia with garrisons and ravaged that country. Then at
last the remainder of the Pannonians also came to terms, chiefly for
the reason that their country was being harried by Silvanus. However,
certain bands of brigand continued their forays for a long time, as was
natural after so great a disturbance; indeed, this nearly always
happens, not only among other peoples, but especially in the case of
these tribes.
Return to www.BrainFly.Net